Decolonial Black

Personal Blog/Website of William Jamal Richardson

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Understanding the City as a Settler Colonial Structure

Much of the scholarship within American urban sociology has concerned itself with the various forms of inequality that have developed in and around US cities throughout its history. The various schools of critical urban sociology have various developed ways of understanding cities as raced (Lai 2012), classed (Reardon and Bischoff 2011), and gendered (Popkin, Leventhal, and Weismann 2010) spaces where broader social hierarchies and system are reinforced and acted upon. Collectively these works argues for a broad understanding of the city as a both a reflection of broad American social values as well as a space that can have great influence over the development of these same values.
Absent from most of discussions within urban sociology is the history and narrative of Native Americans and the history of settler colonialism in the United States. This erasure is analogous to the general erasure of indigenous people and their experiences within most social scientific discourses (Dei 2000; Habashi 2005; Quah 1993). There has been movement in recent years to reverse this erasure. Andrea Smith (2008) while exploring the intertwined logics of slavery, genocide, and orientalism within white supremacy highlighted the current incompatibilities between narratives of indigenous scholars, which mistakenly equating African American “settlers” with white settlers, and African American/anti-racist which scholarship ignoring the existence of settler colonialism and indigenous peoples. Smith called for an integration of these various logics arguing that without doing so we become complacent in reifying these oppressive logics. Similarly, Evelyn Nakano Glenn (2015) discussed on a macro level how the dynamics of settler colonialism in the United States affected the racial formation of various oppressed communities. She concluded with the hope that by bringing together the insights of different inequality frameworks, including settler colonialism, scholars can “work toward a higher level theoretical model that can be widely used by social scientists both in the United States and internationally.”

Responding to Smith’s and Glenn’s calls, I argue for the inclusion of settler colonialism as another, and arguably more fundamental, framework through which to understand American urban spaces, structures, and history. I argue that many of the key aspects of US cities we study in urban sociology, particularly racial residential segregation, white suburbanization, and urban native settlement patterns are either directly connected to settler colonial forms/logics within US society or share great similarities to what we would expect within a settler colonial situation. I demonstrate the usefulness of the framework by reviewing literature on settler colonial logics, racial logics, white neighborhoods and suburbs, urban Native Americans, and urban African Americans. Bringing settler colonialism into discussions about urban inequality rectifies a blind spot within urban sociology that ignores and erases Native Americans and indigenous people within our analyses, builds a stronger historic sociological narrative about American cities, and opens avenues to reconsider how we make sense of current and historical patterns of urban inequality.  Continue reading

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​Understanding Eurocentrism as a Structural Problem of Undone Science

(Derived from a course paper for Politics of Knowledge taught by Steven Epstein at Northwestern University)

The tiles of the landmark volumes The Death of White Sociology (Ladner, 1973) and White Logic, White Methods (Zuberi and Bonilla-Silva 2008) highlight a particular truth about sociology, its methods, and theories which is that they are heavily influenced by European and colonial social thought. This influence is evident in the presentation in most introductory sociology courses of Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber as the founders of sociological inquiry. Their influence compounded with the influence of countless other white male scholars has led to the development of what Julian Go describes as the “imperial unconscious” of sociology that influences how sociologists carry out their research and construct theory (Go 2013).
The effects that sociology’s Eurocentrism has on its scholarship and institutions are well documented. Eurocentrism has largely rendered invisible in the discipline the sociological perspectives and work of both scholars of color and the societies they come from. In addition, Eurocentrism in the discipline also allows for intrinsically racist and colonial theory and findings to be developed and disseminated within academe and among the public (Hunter 2002). The sum total of these processes is that in many spaces sociology, like many other social science, perpetuate systems of inequality and the social logics that justify them.

Although powerful on its own, the Eurocentric critique of sociology by scholars does not often move beyond an analysis of the epistemic silencing of marginalized communities and knowledge to address the structural, non-epistemic relations that help maintain the current state of affairs. I argue that by understanding eurocentrism in sociology, at least partly, as a structural problem of “undone science” we can begin to see how phenomenon such as racism against academics of color and the norms of academic training and production help reproduce the epistemic problems identified by scholars working in postcolonial, decolonial, and ethnic studies spaces. This relation between the structural and epistemological will allow for a conception of intellectual decolonization that is both structural and epistemological in nature. Continue reading

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The Transition from Blackness as Property to Blackness as Pathogen in the United States

(Derived from a course paper for a Historical Institutionalism class taught by Jim Mahoney at Northwestern University)

One of the central stories within United States history is that of the development of its racial regime. From slavery till today we have seen fairly large changes in the racial regime that reflect changes in how the nation, specifically its white settler populations, understood various racialized peoples in relation to itself. In sociology the predominant group dynamic is that of anti-Black racism. Produced out of the institution of chattel slavery, many of the broader developments within the racial order can be tied at least partly to Black-White relations. In this paper I will propose an investigation of the larger transitions in the US racial order and its perception of Black people which is the transition from the slavery based conception of Blackness as property to the modern conception of Blackness as pathogen. This proposal will use historical intuitionalism based logic of critical junctures to conduct the analysis.
For the sake of clarity, I want to first define how I am theorizing race and racial domination/racism. For this paper I will use a composite conception of race as defined by Racial Formation Theory (Omi and Winant 2014) as well as the concept of Race as a “Trace of History” (Wolfe 2015). Racial Formation Theory is defined by an understanding of race as a social construct, more specifically, the result of social conflict that references “different types of human bodies.” The emphasis of the theory is on understanding how race changes over time via different social conflicts in which the state and various social groups/actors engage in (conscious or unconscious) “racial projects” which have the intent of redefining racial categories and hierarchies. Whereas Omi and Winat’s theory is one of racial change, Patrick Wolfe’s definition of race is based on relationality and legacy. Wolfe argued that “For every articulation [of unequal social relations] – relations of slavery, of indenture, of dispossession, of compradorship, of (inter) mediation, of commercial exchange – a corresponding racial category could be nominated.” He went further to argued that “race registers the state of colonial hostilities.” For Wolfe, race represents both the structural relationship between oppressor and oppressed, and similar to Omi and Winat, changes based on the resistance of the oppressed to that relationship. Drawing from both frameworks, I will understand race as a register of the structural relationships of oppression which then changes through the implementation of racial projects by various actors. The structural relationship that this paper will seek to explain is the transition from slavery-based conceptions of Blackness as property to our more modern conception of Blackness as a pathogen and agent of social decay.
In order to understand better this transition in the history of race I will adapt the concept of the critical juncture to propose a study that can explain the change from one race concept to the other. Cappacoa and Keleman define critical junctures as “institutional development characterized by relatively long periods of path-dependent institutional stability and reproduction that are punctuated occasionally by brief phases of institutional flux…during which more dramatic change is possible” (2007). Hillel David Soifer argues that we can further break down a critical juncture into two parts; the permissive conditions and the productive conditions (2012). Permissive conditions represent changes in society or an institution that allows individual or collective agency to take over. More generally they are the conditions of instability that allow for changes in the developmental trajectory of institutions through the actions of some actor(s). Productive conditions are those events or conditions that actually change the trajectory of institutions or society in general. Soifer argues that critical junctures exist as long as the permissive conditions, the window of opportunity, stays open. He also identifies critical ascendants that exist as the preexisting conditions that structure the space within which the critical juncture will take place. This framework has the advantage of allowing us to consider what events or actions have had the most decisive impact on facilitating social change without losing sight of the social context that allowed for that action to be decisive in the first place. Below I will consider the case of the structural changes in anti-black racism using the framework of critical junctures with the key point of change being the passage of the National Housing Act and it’s racist policy of redlining. I argue that the passage of the FHA accelerated the already increasing trend of racial residential segregation in the United States and consequently produced conditions within which modern blackness became solidified around the (social) pathogen concept. Continue reading